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Melanie L. Blanchette, The measure of success. science 353 (2016), 94.
When I was a Ph.D. student, a respected professor at our school had a heart attack in his of ce and died. As he was whisked away to the ambulance, I numbly watched familiar faces in the department succumb to shock. I didn’t know it at the time, but this deeply troubling experience would shape my thinking about how to craft my academic career after I faced my own life-changing illness. While I was a postdoc, a sudden neurological disorder left me unable to walk, took my vision, and held me in the grip of vertigo and crushing migraines. With the help of a small army of health professionals, I began to improve. My brain started compensating for the lost neurons, and my muscles learned to fire again, but I don’t know whether I will ever recover completely. This harsh reality check has made me think seriously about why academia promotes unhealthy work habits and how I can pursue the research I love while also taking care of myself.
Amy Clement, Mark A. Cane, Lisa N. Murphy, Katinka Bellomo, Thorsten Mauritsen & Bjorn Stevens, “The Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation without a role for ocean circulation”, Response to Comment. science 352 (2016), 1527.
Zhang et al. interpret the mixed-layer energy budget in models as showing that “ocean dynamics play a central role in the AMO.” Here,we show that their diagnostics cannot reveal the causes of the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation (AMO) and that their results can be explained with minimal ocean influence. Hence, we reaffirm our findings that the AMO in models can be understood primarily as the upper-ocean thermal response to stochastic atmospheric forcing.
Sarah Fankhauser, A winding path to satisfaction. science 352 (2016), 1606.
When I speak with my students about their future careers, it is clear that many feel there is only one path to success and that any deviations will be catastrophic. My own academic path might seem to support this belief. On the surface, it appears quite linear: undergrad, grad student, postdoc, faculty member. But if you look deeper, you will see the series of roadblocks and revised plans that led me to where I am today. Using my own experience as an example, I try to convince students not to fear bends in the road. In fact, these deviations often help us develop, both as scientists and as people, and lead us to our true passions.
Susan Landau, The real security issues of the iPhone case. science 352 (2016), 1398–1399.
Andy Tay, Show us the money. science 352 (2016), 1486.
Nine months into working in the lab as a Ph.D. student, my professor called me into his of ce. I expected that he wanted my typical weekly research update, so I was dumbfounded when he told me that the grant supporting my research would expire in 3 months. He went on to say that I needed to start working on one of the other, funded projects in the lab or take on teaching assistantships to cover my stipend. I remained calm on the outside, but inside I was overwhelmed. I worried that changing my research direction would delay my graduation and hurt my publication record, making me less competitive for postdocs down the road. I was also kicking myself for not asking for details about how he would fund me and my work before I joined the lab.
Rong Zhang, Rowan Sutton, Gokhan Danabasoglu, Thomas L. Delworth, Who M. Kim, Jon Robson & Stephen G. Yeager, Comment on “The Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation without a role for ocean circulation”. science 352 (2016), 1527.
Clement et al. (Reports, 16 October 2015, p. 320) claim that the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation (AMO) is a thermodynamic response of the ocean mixed layer to stochastic atmospheric forcing and that ocean circulation changes have no role in causing the AMO. These claims are not justified. We show that ocean dynamics play a central role in the AMO.
David J. A. Clines, Alleged Female Language about the Deity in the Hebrew Bible. unknown (2016), preprint, 1–17.
There is a common belief that in the Hebrew Bible there are a number of places where female language is used in reference to the deity.
My conclusion is that there is not a single instance of female language about the deity in the Hebrew Bible, that is, of language suggesting that the deity is viewed as a female, whether as a mother or a midwife or in any other typical female activity.
Each alleged example has to be seriously considered on its own merits, of course, and there are many different factors that need to be examined. But it can hardly be surprising that in the Hebrew Bible, which consistently represents the deity as male and everywhere employs the masculine pronoun ‘he’ and masculine verb and adjective forms for the deity there i s no trace of a view that in some respect or to some degree this deity is ‘female’ or ‘feminine’.
Nevertheless, the view I am resisting here has become what might be called a current orthodoxy, despite the almost total lack of critical evaluation and debate that might have been given to it. It can only be supposed that its origins in earlier times of feminist writing accounted for its ready acceptance, and that both women and men committed to gender equality have adopted it because they would dearly love it to be true.
The fact is, though, as I have argued elsewhere, that the Yahweh of t he Hebrew Bible is a thoroughly male god, and there is simply no benefit in failing to recognize that fact and accept its consequences. For my part, I regret the damage done to the feminist cause by the repeated claim that the Bible is less masculine and less sexist than i t actually is.
Collin Cornell, What happened to Kemosh? Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 128 (2016), 284–299.
This article thus tells two stories: on the one hand, Kemosh and Yhwh developed along parallel lines. Both deities evidence a tendency towards “translatability “ in their postmonarchic phase. In the Hellenistic period, this meant that they both underwent, to different extents, “the Greek interpretation”: they became identified with their equivalent deity in the Greek pantheon. On the other hand, Kemosh and Yhwh “grew unlike”, because, different from Kemosh, Yhwh’s evolution included a counterbalancing force: inscripturation. Yhwh’s “translation” into a Greek deity could only go so far, because his personality and profile were expanded and fixed, literarily. Like a good poem, Yhwh’s irreducible writtenness meant he could not be rendered easily into another religious language. On the other hand, prophetic oracles and regional stories about Kemosh were never gathered into an authoritative corpus – and so Kemosh was transferable; there was nothing to prevent him from becoming the Greek god Ares, full stop. The conclusion of the present article reflects on the historical reasons why Yhwh experienced inscripturation while Kemosh did not.
Israel Knohl, Cain: Son of God or Son of Satan? In: Natalie B. Dohrmann & David Stern (Hrsg.), Jewish Biblical Interpretation and Cultural Exchange, Comparative Exegesis in Context. Jewish Culture and Contexts (Philadelphia 2008), 37–50.
According to P, Adam was perfectly good, like all the creatures first created by God. Adam’s firstborn, Seth, was begotten in his likeness and after his image (Gn 5.3), and therefore, like Adam, Seth and all later generations begotten from him were until the time of the flood also perfectly good. P makes no mention of the figures of Cain and Abel and their bloody rivalry. It was only in the tenth generation, the generation of Noah, that the suppressed primeval evil penetrated God’s creation and spoiled the earth and its inhabitants. The traditions of J and P regarding the first human generations were incompatible. Even if we were to ignore the sharp difference in their respective depictions of humanity, there is still a factual disagreement between the sources: According to P, Adam’s firstborn was Seth, and Noah was a descendant of Seth. According to our reconstruction of J, however, Cain was Adam’s firstborn, and Noah was a descendant of Cain.
The final result was the current picture in our Bible: a polarization of the dynasty of Cain and the dynasty of Seth. Seth and his descendants are the “sons of light”; Cain and his descendants are the “sons of darkness.” This dualistic picture is characteristic of the priestly conception of the universe.
Piotr Wasylczyk, Three lessons rarely taught. science 352 (2016), 1358.
After earning two advanced degrees, completing three postdocs, working in three countries, and finally reaching the stage when I am setting up my own lab, I realize that three lessons taught by three great mentors have influenced how I think about doing science. These lessons, each of which came at just the right time in my career, have helped me probe new intellectual territories and enjoy my work. Looking back, I appreciate the way that my mentors supported my development as a researcher and imparted valuable advice that still guides how I approach my work and career. Now, as I am moving into the role of adviser myself, I hope to be able to pass these lessons on to my current and future students.
Be sure to have fun.
Find what suits you.
Peter M. M. G. Akkermans, Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa). In: Y. Kanjou & A. Tsuneki (Hrsg.), History of Syria in One Hundred Sites. (Oxford 2016), 65–68.
Tell Sabi Abyad has yielded some of the earliest pottery of Syria, dated at ca. 7000-6900 BC, consisting of mineral-tempered, sometimes painted wares. Around 6700 BC pottery was turned in a plant-tempered mass product, with simple hole-mouth shapes lacking virtually any decoration (Fig. 3).
Important change in the community at Tell Sabi Abyad took place around 6200 BC, involving new types of architecture, including extensive storehouses and small circular buildings (the so-called tholoi); the further development of pottery in many complex and often decorated shapes and wares; the introduction of small transverse arrowheads and short-tanged points; the abundant occurrence of clay spindle whorls, suggestive of changes in textile manufacture; and the introduction of seals and sealings as indicators of property and the organization of controlled storage.
Ignaz Goldziher, Kämpfe um die Stellung des Hadit im Islam. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 61 (1907), 860–872.
Zur Zeit des Omar b. al-Chattab vermehrte sich die Zahl der (niedergeschriebenen) ahadith ; da forderte Omar die Leute auf, daß sie ihm solche brächten; als er die Sachen bei sich hatte, befahl er sie zu verbrennen; “(Wollt ihr denn) eine Mischna (die arab. Form entspricht dem aram. Matnita), wie es die Mischna der Juden ist?”.
Theodor Nöldeke, Zur tendenziösen Gestaltung der Urgeschichte des Islam’s. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 53 (1899), 16–33.
David Biale (Hrsg.), Cultures of the Jews, A new history. (New York 2002).
Who are the Jews ? Scattered over much of the world throughout most of their three-thousand-year-old history, are they one people or many? How do they resemble and how do they differ from Jews in other places and times? What have their relationships been to the cultures of their neighbors?
To address these and similar questions, twenty-three of the finest scholars of our day archaeologists, cultural historians, literary critics, art historians , folklorists, and historians of relation, all affiliated with major academic institutions in the United States, Israel, and France have contributed their insight to Cultures of the Jews. The premise of their endeavor is that although Jews have always had their own autonomous traditions, Jewish identity cannot be considered immutable, the fixed product of either ancient ethnic or religious origins. Rather, it has shifted and assumed new forms in response to the cultural environment in which the Jews have lived.
Building their essays on specific cultural artifacts a poem, a letter, a traveler s account, a physical object of everyday or ritual use that were made in the period and locale they study, the contributors describe the cultural interactions among different Jews from rabbis and scholars to non-elite groups, including women as well as between Jews and the surrounding non-Jewish world.
Part One, Mediterranean Origins, describes the concept of the People or Nation of Israel that emerges in the Hebrew Bible and the culture of the Israelites in relation to that of the Canaanite groups. It goes on to discuss Jewish cultures in the Greco-Roman world, Palestine during the Byzantine period, Babylonia, and Arabia during the formative years of Islam.
Part Two, Diversities of Diaspora, illuminates Judeo-Arabic culture in the Golden Age of Islam, Sephardic culture as it bloomed first if the Iberian Peninsula and later in Amsterdam, the Jewish-Christian symbiosis in Ashkenazic Europe and in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the culture of the Italian Jews of the Renaissance period, and the many strands of folklore, magic, and material culture that run through diaspora Jewish history.
Part Three, Modern Encounters, examines communities, ways of life, and both high and fold culture in Western, Central, and Eastern Europe, the Ladino Diaspora, North Africa and the Middle East, Ethiopia, Zionist Palestine and the State of Israel, and, finally, the United States.
Cultures of the Jews is a landmark, representing the fruits of the present generation of scholars in Jewish studies and offering a new foundation upon which all future research into Jewish history will be based. Its unprecedented interdisciplinary approach will resonate widely among general readers and the scholarly community, both Jewish and non-Jewish, and it will change the terms of the never-ending debate over what constitutes Jewish identity.
Johann Maier, Guerra santa? Das Kriegsrecht der jüdischen Tradition. (Unpublished 2004).
Hermann Parzinger & Nikolaus Boroffka, Das Zinn der Bronzezeit in Mittelasien, Band 1: Die siedlungsarchäologischen Forschungen im Umfeld der Zinnlagerstätten. Archäologie in Iran und Turan 5 (Mainz 2003).
Mit einer Widmung von Hermann Parzinger an Jens Lüning zum 65. Geburtstag.
Florin Gogâltan, Die Tells und der Urbanisierungsprozess. In: Barbara Horejs & Tobias L. Kienlin (Hrsg.), Siedlung und Handwerk: Studien zu sozialen Kontexten in der Bronzezeit, Arbeitsgemeinschaft Bronzezeit Schleswig 2007 und Mannheim 2008. Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 194 (Bonn 2011), 1–34.
Es bleiben demnach viele Unbekannte, die uns daran hindern, die sozialen Hierarchien zu entziffern, ohne die wir aber die Existenz von städtischen Strukturen nicht voraussetzen können. In erster Linie sind es die fehlenden Monumentalbauten, so wie sie in den zeitgenössischen hethitischen, minoischen oder mykenischen Kulturen vorkommen, für die es zwei Erklärungen gibt: im Karpatenbecken gab es ein anderes Repräsentationsmodell des Status oder wir befinden uns auf dem Niveau einer “Militärdemokratie”, in der die Anführer noch nicht die alle Prärogativen der Macht errungen haben.
In der Festlegung der Wirtschafts-und Sozialfunktion der bronzezeitlichen Tells im Karpatenbecken ist die Meinung von K. Kristiansen zu berücksichtigen, laut der sie als Produktions-Verteilungs-und Handelszentren für die Eliten der Gesellschaft zu betrachten seien und keinesfalls mit der Lage in anderen Räumen verglichen werden sollten. Es scheint offensichtlich, dass die Tells die höchste Position in der Entwicklung des lokalen bronzezeitlichen Siedlungssystems darstellen. Darüberhinaus ist es durchaus möglich, dass Siedlungen wie Feudvar die ersten Schritte zu einer sogenannten “städtischen Kultur” markieren. Die Unterbrechung dieser Lebensweise nach nur einigen hundert Jahren hat den Entwicklungsprozess der Tells zu städtischen Siedlungen, so wie das im Nahen Osten geschehen ist, aufgehalten.
John M. O’Shea, A River Runs Through It, Landscape and the Evolution of Bronze Age Networks in the Carpathian Basin. Journal of World Prehistory 24 (2011), 161–174.
The homogeneous and circumscribed character of the Carpathian Basin makes it an ideal setting for examining the interplay of topography and resource distribution in the development of Bronze Age social networks. Such networks include both systems of settlement and land use, and the patterns of interconnection between communities and regions that facilitate trade and exchange. Drawing on new excavations and increasingly common radiocarbon dates within the region, the alteration in these networks from earlier Copper Age and Neolithic patterns can be traced. It is suggested that the substantial river systems of the region provided the principal axes for the movement of goods during the Bronze Age and that control of these water routes was contested among neighboring communities and polities. It is further argued that contrastive overland trade connections also developed which, at least initially, transported distinct materials. Later, these overland connections undermined and superseded the pre-existing riverine systems.
Keywords: Maros | Hungarian archaeology | Romanian archaeology
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