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Tobias I. Baskin, Let writers author scientific literature. nature 562 (2018), 494.
I propose confining authorship to those who wrote the paper. People assessing credit for all other functions would then be forced to consult the detailed contributions list. This ‘authorship for authors’ scheme would promote scientists’ writing skills. A journal article is a short story: it needs creativity, clarity, structure and pace. [It] impairs progress [if] readers are forced to struggle with tedious or confusing text.
Kate Furnell, Breaking the silence. science 361 (2018), 1410.
My hands were shaking. My stomach began to churn as I looked out at the faces before me. I fought to calm myself. Facing a packed conference room of more than 150 people—including my doctoral supervisor, my collaborators, and world-leading researchers—I was about to let slip the secret I had worked desperately for years to keep from all but a few trusted colleagues: that I seriously struggle with mental illness.
Amir Sheikhi, More than my publications. science 362 (2018), 118.
I should have been celebrating. I had just hit the “submit” button on the online portal for doctoral theses, concluding my Ph.D. studies. And I did feel a sense of satisfaction. I had worked hard and was proud of what I had accomplished. But I was also overwhelmed by depression and anxiety about my future. Almost all my recently graduated friends had several published papers from their Ph.D. work; I had none. I thought my chances at the academic career I so wanted were ruined. I felt lost and alone in an endless desert.
Marcello A. Canuto et al., Ancient lowland Maya complexity as revealed by airborne laser scanning of northern Guatemala. science 361 (2018), 1355.
s361-1355-Supplement.pdf
Marcello A. Canuto, Francisco Estrada-Belli, Thomas G. Garrison, Stephen D. Houston, Mary Jane Acuña, Milan Kovác, Damien Marken, Philippe Nondédéo, Luke Auld-Thomas, Cyril Castanet, David Chatelain, Carlos R. Chiriboga, Tomás Drápela, Tibor Lieskovsky, Alexandre Tokovinine, Antolín Velasquez, Juan C. Fernández-Díaz & Ramesh Shrestha
Lowland Maya civilization flourished in the tropical region of the Yucatan peninsula and environs for more than 2500 years ( 1000 BCE to 1500 CE). Known for its sophistication in writing, art, architecture, astronomy, and mathematics, Maya civilization still poses questions about the nature of its cities and surrounding populations because of its location in an inaccessible forest. In 2016, an aerial lidar survey across 2144 square kilometers of northern Guatemala mapped natural terrain and archaeological features over several distinct areas. We present results from these data, revealing interconnected urban settlement and landscapes with extensive infrastructural development. Studied through a joint international effort of interdisciplinary teams sharing protocols, this lidar survey compels a reevaluation of Maya demography, agriculture, and political economy and suggests future avenues of field research.
Heather McKillop & Kazuo Aoyama, Salt and marine products in the Classic Maya economy from use-wear study of stone tools. PNAS 115 (2018), 10948–10952.
pnas115-10948-Supplement.pdf
Microscopic study of the edges of Late to Terminal Classic Maya (AD 600–900) chert stone tools from the Paynes Creek Salt Works, Belize, indicates most tools were used for cutting fish or meat or working hide, which was unexpected, given the virtual absence of fish or other animal remains at this large salt-production complex. Use-wear study shows that a minority of stone tools have edgewear from woodworking. Our study suggests that salting fish was a significant activity at the salt works, which corresponds to Roman, Chinese, and other East Asian civilizations, where salt and salted fish were critical components of food storage, trade, and state finance. Based on analogy with modern Maya salt producers at Sacapulas, Guatemala, we provide estimates of the amounts of salt and salted fish produced at the Paynes Creek Salt Works and the implications for the Classic Maya economy. Salt cakes and salted fish were preserved commodities that could be stored and traded in the marketplace.
Keywords: Classic Maya | salting fish | marketplace trade | stone tool use-wear | salt archaeology
Significance: The Classic Maya (AD 300–900) technology of producing salt by boiling brine in pots over fires in wooden buildings at the Paynes Creek Salt Works, Belize, is consistent with this common and productive method elsewhere in the world in antiquity, historic, and modern times. We report the surprising Results of a use-wear study of the edges of chert stone tools that indicates most were used for cutting fish or meat or scraping hides. Like the ancient Roman, Asian, and other civilizations, the Classic Maya evidently produced salt and salted fish—storable commodities for marketplace trade.
R. Jenkins, A. J. Dowsett & A. M. Burton, How many faces do people know? Proc. Royal Society B 285 (2018), 20181319.
ProcRSocB285-20181319-Supplement.pdf
Over our species history, humans have typically lived in small groups of under a hundred individuals. However, our face recognition abilities appear to equip us to recognize very many individuals, perhaps thousands. Modern society provides access to huge numbers of faces, but no one has established how many faces people actually know. Here, we describe a method for estimating this number. By combining separate measures of recall and recognition, we show that people know about 5000 faces on average and that individual differences are large. Our findings offer a possible explanation for large variation in identification performance. They also provide constraints on understanding the qualitative differences between perception of familiar and unfamiliar faces—a distinction that underlies all current theories of face recognition.
Keywords: face recognition | memory | social group size | mental representation
Ellison J. McNutt, Bernhard Zipfel & Jeremy M. DeSilva, The evolution of the human foot. Evolutionary Anthropology 27 (2018), 197–217.
There are 26 bones in each foot (52 in total), meaning that roughly a quarter of the human skeleton consists of foot bones. Yet, early hominin foot fossils are frustratingly rare, making it quite difficult to reconstruct the evolutionary history of the human foot. Despite the continued paucity of hominid or hominin foot fossils from the late Miocene and early Pliocene, the last decade has witnessed the discovery of an extraordinary number of early hominin foot bones, inviting a reassessment of how the human foot evolved, and providing fresh new evidence for locomotor diversity throughout hominin evolution. Here, we provide a review of our current understanding of the evolutionary history of the hominin foot.
Keywords: Ardipithecus | Australopithecus | bipedalism | hominin | Homo
Shawna Dolansky, How the Serpent Became Satan, Adam, Eve and the serpent in the Garden of Eden. Bible History Daily 2018 , Oct. 14, 1–2.
Eden’s serpent is not identified with Satan anywhere in the Hebrew Bible or New Testament.
The concept of the devil begins to appear in second and first centuries B.C.E. Jewish texts. In 1 Enoch, the “angel” who “led Eve astray” and “showed the weapons of death to the children of men” was called Gadreel (not Satan). Around the same time, the Wisdom of Solomon taught that “through the devil’s envy death entered the world, and those who are on his side suffer it.” Though this may very well be the earliest reference to Eden’s serpent as the devil, in neither text, nor in any document we have until after the New Testament, is satan clearly understood as the serpent in Eden. At Qumran, though, Satan is the leader of the forces of darkness; his power is said to threaten humanity, and it was believed that salvation would bring the absence of Satan and evil.
Stephan W. E. Blum, The Middle Chalcolithic Cultural Sequence of the Troad (Northwest Anatolia), Chronological and Interregional Assessment. In: Barbara Horejs & Mathias Mehofer (Hrsg.), Western Anatolia before Troy: Proto-Urbanisation in the 4th Millennium BC? Proceedings of the International Symposium held at the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Vienna, Austria, 21–24 November, 2012. Oriental and European Archaeology 1 (Wien 2014), 125–155.
While the first half of the northwest Anatolian Middle Chalcolithic is comprehensively characterised by the artefact inventories of Ilypynar, §kiztepe, Kumtepe IA and Be³ik-Sivritepe the time between 4500 and 4250/4000 BC remains relatively unknown. All the more surprising is the cross-cultural comparison of mid-5th to early 4th millennium BC Anatolia with the contemporary southeast European Chalcolithic – as represented by Karanovo V/Marica and Kodzadermen/Gumelnita/Karanovo VI – with its huge burial mounds, rich grave offerings, highly developed metallurgy, and a hierarchically structured interregional interacting society. At Alacalygöl, a comparatively small settlement located approximately 4 km west of Troy, a material complex was recorded which – although unmistakably Middle Chalcolithic in its general typological habits – can be dated later than those of other sites of the period concerned (e.g. Be³ik-Sivritepe). Particularly the presence of early rolled rim bowls clearly indicates the transition to the northwest Anatolian Late Chalcolithic. On the basis of the finds from Alacalygöl, the long existing gap in the chronological sequence of the Middle Chalcolithic can now be adequately closed and the cultural development of the Troad in the 5th and 4th millennia BC – and beyond that of western Anatolia and its neighboring regions (e.g. the Balkans, the Aegean, central and south Anatolia) – can finally be reconstructed without larger interruptions.
Keywords: Turkey | northwestern Anatolia | Troad | Alacalygöl | Middle Chalcolithic | chronology | cultural sequence
Sevil Gülçur, Norsuntepe, Die chalkolithische Keramik (Elaz\ig/Ostanatolien). In: From the Euphrates to the Caucasus – Chronologies for the 4th–3rd millennium B.C. Actes du Colloque d’Istanbul, 16-19 décembre 1998. Varia Anatolica 11 (Istanbul 2000), 375–418.
Als der größte Wohnhügel dieses Gebietes lieferte Norsuntepe eine fast lückenlose Kulturabfolge von der mittleren Eisenzeit bis in das Chalkolithikum. Siedlungsschichten, die in die verschiedenen Phasen der chalkolithischen Epoche eingestuft werden, wurden auch in vielen Siedlungshügeln der Umgebung erfaßt.
Engin Akdeniz, Kulaksizlar Atölyesinde Kilya Tipi Figürin Üretimi, Kilia Figurine Production in Kulaksizlar Workshop. OLBA – Journal of Research Center for Cilician Archaeology 18 (2010), 1–19.
Kilia figurines, which are named after Kilia Bay on the coast of Dardanelles – one of the earliest finding sites, are among the interesting plastic artifacts of Aegean Prehistory. These figurines, which are usually shorter than 20 cm, are made of marble. The arms attached to a flat body evoke the wings of a penguin. The head, which is quite bulky compared to the flat body, adds a particular characteristic peculiar to this type of figurines. On this head situated on a long neck, eyes are fashioned as tiny bulges and interestingly they look upward. The nose and ears are made in the form of tiny bulges just like the eyes. Yet, eyes and ears are not displayed at all in some examples. The mouth is indistinct. Feet stretch forward very delicately and some examples reveal an attempt to mark out the toes. Although the number of findings uncovered in the layer excavation is limited, it is understood that Kilia figurines had been produced from the Late Chalcolithic Period until the Early Bronze Age. This study introduces the general features of Kilia figurines and provides information about Kulaksyzlar which appears to be a workshop where such figures were produced. Kulaksyzlar workshop is located about 1 to 1.2 km southwest of Kulaksyzlar village which is situated 16 km southeast of the town of Akhisar in Manisa. Kulaksyzlar is a workshop where stone and marble vessels as well as various types of figurine including Kilia figurines were produced. The excavations in Kulaksyzlar brought to light examples, remnants, scraps and production tools belonging to every stage of production from rough drafts to finalized products of Kilia figurines. Both figurine pieces, which will be examined in this study, was found by the local people in Kulaksyzlar and handed over to the research team. During the investigations carried out in Kulaksyzlar, we tried to obtain information from the local people about the geography of the environment. The obtained information have revealed that similar artefacts were found outside Kulaksyzlar workshop area, although not as many as those uncovered in Kulaksyzlar, in the fields in rainy winter months in the plains stretching along the southwest to Akselendi. Long term examinations were carried out in these fields mentioned by the local people, but it was not possible to find similar pieces probably due to the inappropriate season. It was reported by the local people that until 20 years ago it was possible to find intact Kilia figurines in Kulaksyzlar where even body fragments can hardly be found today, and this current situation was associated with the fact that these artefacts were sold especially abroad illegally in exchange of large sums of money. Although this area was taken under protection as an archaeological site in 1995, such illegal activities still constitute the biggest threat in this workshop area. Since Kulaksyzlar is documented as the only workshop where such rare type of figurines were produced, this area should be fully unearthed by archaeological excavations and the production techniques and stages applied in this workshop should be clarified to a greater extent.
Keywords: Kilia | figurine | Manisa | Kulaksyzlar | Late Chalcolithic Period | Early Bronze Age
Fokke Gerritsen, Rana Özbal, Laurens Thissen, Hadi Özbal & Alfred Galik, The Late Chalcolithic Settlement of Barcin Höyük. Anatolica 36 (2010), 197–225.
This report presents the Late Chalcolithic levels at Barcin Höyük, located in the Yenisehir Basin in the eastern part of the province of Bursa (figure 1). Excavations began in 2005 and earlier reports have appeared in this journal and elsewhere (Roodenberg, van As and Alpaslan Roodenberg 2008; Gerritsen and Özbal 2008, 2009, 2010). The Barcin Höyük Excavations take place in the context of the long-term regional research project ‘Early Farming Communities in the Eastern Marmara Region’, carried out by the Netherlands Institute for the Near East and the Netherlands Institute in Turkey.
Barbara Horejs (Hrsg.), Çukuriçi Höyük 1, Anatolia and the Aegean from the 7th to the 3rd Millennium BC. Oriental and European Archaeology 5 (Wien 2017).
This book represents the first volume of the Çukuriçi Höyük final publications. The prehistoric tell site at the Aegean coast of Turkey, close to the antique metropolis of Ephesos, was excavated between 2007 and 2014. The study includes a general outline of the research project, its main methodological and analytical approaches, and its key outcomes after seven excavation seasons, all in chapter I. A list of all currently published papers and books should offer the reader further detail on aspects that are not repeated in this volume. Chapters II to VI deal with various new results of Çukuriçi Höyük research in a diachronic perspective. The Neolithic settlements dating to the 7th millennium BC are presented in aspects of technology and raw material procurement. In particular, the role of pressure technology in the Neolithisation process is discussed in detail to contextualise the 7th millennium lithic assemblage of the site within broader cultural developments. The Late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age settlements of 4th and 3rd millennia BC highlight several facets of distinct regional and trans-regional networks. Two marble figurines of that date are used to reevaluate the origin and development of early schematic figurines in western Anatolia and the Aegean. Analysis of 4th and 3rd millennia textile production demonstrates shared commonalities and regional connections as well. Microanalyses of an Early Bronze Age metal workshop reconstruct the continuities and changes within a few generations. The diachronic pottery analyses offer not only the main ceramic fabrics based on petrography and geochemistry from 7th to 3rd millennium BC, but also the clay sources identified in the region, which are presented and discussed for the first time. All detailed studies of the Çukuriçi Höyük 1 volume are embedded in a broader Aegean-Anatolian view to provide a balanced cultural and geographical context for the excavation results.
Jürgen Seeher, Ilipinar, Barcin Höyük and Demircihüyük, Some Remarks on the Late Chalcolithic Period in North-western Anatolia. Anatolica 38 (2012), 117–127.
The evidence for settlements of the Late Chalcolithic period in north-western inland Anatolia is extremely scarce. The excavations at Demircihüyük in the 1970ies yielded for the first time a substantial body of pottery material of this period, but with very limited stratigraphic information. Later on, the Late Chalcolithic cemetery excavated at Ilypynar produced a large group of vessels similar to the shapes from Demircihüyük, but still difficult to evaluate. Now, after the publication of similar material from nearby Barcyn Höyük, further clues have become evident. The purpose of this paper is a re-evaluation of the Demircihüyük material in the light of the new evidence, leading to an attempt at better differentiation of the pottery assemblages at the various sites. At the same time, a Summary of the dispersed information available on the Late Chalcolithic settlement remains at Demircihüyük, including radiocarbon datings, is provided.
Turan Takaoglu, A Late Chalcolithic Marble Workshop at Kulaksizlar in Western Anatolia, An Analysis of Production and Craft Specialization. Dissertation, Boston University (Boston 2001).
This study investigates the surface remains of an early marble workshop discovered in surface surveys of the mid-fifth millennium BC site of Kulaksizlar in western Turkey. The workshop appears to have been oriented towards the production of distinctive vessels and figurines of a local marble that were widely traded in western Anatolia. This study offers a general model of the organization of marble production based on a careful analysis of the distribution and technological aspects of surface finds. This model regards the economic, social, and symbolic relations of production as primary determinants and postulates that pre-urban craft specialization can take a very complex form rather than being a simple and casual activity carried out during the spare time left over from basic agriculture-based subsistence activities.
Technological or organizational indicators such as the separation of production into different tasks and spatial units, volume of production, standardization in the forms of artifacts and manufacturing methods, and technical elaboration are used to distinguish specialized production (e.g. tied to elite) from a domestic (e.g. household) craft activity. Marble working at Kulaksizlar was a specialized craft production carried out at the village level by a group of independent craftsmen who worked for regional exchange. The distribution of the finished products from Kulaksizlar reveals a pattern of Chalcolithic long-distance trade in western Anatolia. The motivation behind the production of marble vessels and figurines was both social and economic in nature. Marble artifacts appear to have conveyed a symbolic meaning to their consumers, indicating that technological behavior was dependent on wider social or non-economic processes.
This study of production and exchange systems in Chalcolithic western Anatolia is significant because specialized behavior is a phenomenon that has rarely been documented in the archaeological record prior to the Early Bronze Age. Pre-urban craft specialization in the Chalcolithic displays complex patterns similar to those associated with later urban or state societies.
François Djindjian, Territories and economies of hunter–gatherer groups during the last glacial maximum in Europe. Quaternary International 412 (2016), 37–43.
At the last glacial maximum, the Gravettian human groups moved to southern European Peninsulas: Iberian, Italian, Balkan and the gulfs: Tyrrhenian, Adriatic, Aegean and around the Black Sea (a lake at this time). There, they differentiated: Solutrean in Western Europe, Epigravettian in Central Europe and in Eastern Europe. Human groups, constrained in their new southern territories, returned to a system of small territories and low mobility, which required them to change the food resource system (gregarious mammal hunting replacing migratory herd hunting), sources of raw material procurement (reuse of quartzite), and, as a result, technology (return to flake knapping, importance of lamellar knapping) and industry. This local opportunistic strategy involved territories of less than 1000 km2 and low mobility. The climate variations of the last glacial maximum reveal two wetter episodes, clearly visible in the sequences of loess of Central and Eastern Europe and in non-anthropogenic records around 20–19 000 BP and 18.5–17 000 BP. During these two episodes, human groups moved northward during the summer, in a seasonal mobility strategy, involving hunting of migratory animals and use of outcrops of good flint. These two systems existed during the last glacial maximum in Western, Central, and Eastern Europe, where, despite typological differences in assemblages, common characteristics may be highlighted.
Keywords: LGM | Upper Palaeolithic | Economy | Territory | Systems
Jürgen Seeher, Die kleinasiatischen Marmorstatuetten vom Typ Kiliya. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1992 , ii, 153–170.
Bei den Kiliya-Statuetten handelt es sich um Erzeugnisse einer mittel- bis spätchalkolithischen Kultur, die in West- und Südwestanatolien im späten 5. bis mittleren 4. Jt. v. Chr. beheimatet war. Eine Fortsetzung der Produktion dieser Statuettenform in der frühen Bronzezeit ist meiner Ansicht nach nicht nachweisbar. Ebenso halte ich die Verbreitung bis nach Zentralanatolien, scheinbar belegt durch sieben aus dem Handel stammende Stücke, für nicht gesichert und auch nicht für besonders wahrscheinlich. Eine lokal anatolische Genese des Typs ist anzunehmen. Eine Beeinflussung durch Elemente von außen, insbesondere vom Balkan, ist möglich. Eine feintypologische Untergliederung der in ihren Einzelmerkmalen teilweise recht unterschiedlich gestalteten Figuren ist theoretisch machbar, hat aber beim gegenwärtigen Forschungsstand keine Aussagekraft für eine zeitliche oder regionale Untergliederung, da nur für ein Neuntel bzw. Zwölftel der drei Dutzend Kiliya-Statuetten eine gesicherte Datierung und nur für ein Fünftel eine gesicherte Fundortangabe vorliegt.
Durch die Funde von Besiktepe, Hanaytepe und Karain ist eine Beziehung zum anscheinend eher küstennahen chalkolithischen Kulturkomplex Besiktepe/Kumtepe IA/Emporio X–VIII gegeben. Durch die Funde aus Aphrodisias ist eine Verbindung zum Spätchalkolithikum vom Typus Beycesultan im inneren Südwesten des Landes hergestellt. Darüber hinaus bleibt als Fazit festzuhalten, daß wegen der geringen Größe der Grabungen in mittel- bis spätchalkolithischen Zusammenhängen in Westanatolien der kulturelle Hintergrund der Kiliya-Slatuetten noch weitgehend unbekannt ist.
J. W. B. Rae et al., CO2 storage and release in the deep Southern Ocean on millennial to centennial timescales. nature 562 (2018), preprint, 1–5. <DOI:10.1038/s41586-018-0614-0>.
n562-Rae-Supplement.zip
J. W. B. Rae, A. Burke, L. F. Robinson, J. F. Adkins, T. Chen, C. Cole, R. Greenop, T. Li, E. F. M. Littley, D. C. Nita, J. A. Stewart & B. J. Taylor
The cause of changes in atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2) during the recent ice ages is yet to be fully explained. Most mechanisms for glacial–interglacial CO2 change have centred on carbon exchange with the deep ocean, owing to its large size and relatively rapid exchange with the atmosphere1. The Southern Ocean is thought to have a key role in this exchange, as much of the deep ocean is ventilated to the atmosphere in this region2. However, it is difficult to reconstruct changes in deep Southern Ocean carbon storage, so few direct tests of this hypothesis have been carried out. Here we present deep-sea coral boron isotope data that track the pH—and thus the CO2 chemistry—of the deep Southern Ocean over the past forty thousand years. At sites closest to the Antarctic continental margin, and most influenced by the deep southern waters that form the ocean’s lower overturning cell, we find a close relationship between ocean pH and atmospheric CO2: during intervals of low CO2, ocean pH is low, reflecting enhanced ocean carbon storage; and during intervals of rising CO2, ocean pH rises, reflecting loss of carbon from the ocean to the atmosphere. Correspondingly, at shallower sites we find rapid (millennial- to centennial-scale) decreases in pH during abrupt increases in CO2, reflecting the rapid transfer of carbon from the deep ocean to the upper ocean and atmosphere. Our findings confirm the importance of the deep Southern Ocean in ice-age CO2 change, and show that deep-ocean CO2 release can occur as a dynamic feedback to rapid climate change on centennial timescales.
Nihan Büyükakmanlar-Naiboglu, Chalkolithikum und Bronzezeit im mittleren Schwarzmeergebiet der Türkei, Ein Überblick über aktuelle Forschungsergebnisse. Colloquium Anatolicum 10 (2011), 49–86.
Sevil Gülçur, The Chalcolithic Period in Central Anatolia Aksaray-Nigde Region. Origini 24 (2012), 213–227.
Cappadocia offered prehistoric societies a flourishing landscape rich in natural resources such as wild plants and animals, wood, salt, clay, obsidian, stone, a variety of minerals and even some copper. The latest archaeological excavations and surveys around the governorships of Aksaray and Nigde have enriched our knowledge about the Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods.
The C14 cal. dates from the citadel of Güvercinkayasy fit fairly well into the Yumuktepe XVI sequence. Consequently Anatolian Prehistory is confronted for the first time with the phenomenon of pre-urban settlements, which are divided into two zones before the arrival of Obeid influences.
Keywords: Central Anatolia | Chalcolithic | settlement organization | surplus management | social complexity
Joseph Maran, Das ägäische Chalkolithikum und das erste Silber in Europa. In: Cengiz Isik (Hrsg.), Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens und des ägäischen Bereiches, Festschrift für Baki Ögün zum 75. Geburtstag. Asia Minor Studien 39 (Bonn 2000), 179–193.
Mein Beitrag zielte darauf ab, darzulegen, daß aus dem Blickwinkel der Metallurgie die Bezeichnung “Chalkolithikum” für den letzten vor-bronzezeitlichen Kulturabschnitt in der Ägäis keine bloße Worthülse ist. Vielmehr bringt das Chalkolithikum in dieser Hinsicht gegenüber der vorangehenden Zeit so viel Neues, daß ein terminologischer Einschnitt gerechtfertigt erscheint. Deutlich wurde, daß die chalkolithische Metallurgie der Ägäis weder ganz von derjenigen ihrer nördlichen Nachbarn abhängig noch völlig eigenständig war. Bereichen wie der Gold- und Kupfermetallurgie, die vielfältige Beziehungen zu den kupferzeitlichen Kulturen zwischen Balkan, Westpontus und Karpatenbecken aufweisen, steht eine Silberverarbeitung gegenüber, in der der ägäische Bereich als Gebender in Erscheinung treten konnte. Letztere Entwicklung wiederum dürfte eine direkte Antwort auf die Goldmetallurgie der nördlichen Nachbarn gewesen sein, denn es ist sicher kein Zufall, daß aus dem Edelmetall Silber Ringanhänger hergestellt wurden, diejenige Form also, die in den anderen Bereichen Südosteuropas sowie im östlichen Mitteleuropa dem anderen Edelmetall vorbehalten war. Es wird eine Aufgabe für die Zukunft sein, zu überprüfen, wie sich die aufstrebende vor-bronzezeitliche Metallurgie und die daraus erwachsenden Austauschsysteme auf die soziale Gliederung der Gesellschaften in der Ägäis auswirkten. Untersucht werden muß ferner, ob die chalkolithische Metallurgie tatsächlich die Grundlage für die der Frühbronzezeit bildete, oder ob wir, wie in anderen Teilen Südosteuropas, mit einem Einschnitt in der Mitte des 4. Jts. v. Chr. und einem Neubeginn im frühen 3. Jt. v. Chr. zu rechnen haben.
Ulf-Dietrich Schoop, The Chalcolithic on the Plateau. In: Gregory McMahon & Sharon Steadman (Hrsg.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Anatolia, (10,000–323 BCE). (Oxford 2012), 150–173.
This article outlines the present state of knowledge about the Chalcolithic sequence on the Anatolian plateau and in western Anatolia. Because archaeological knowledge is not represented continuously over the whole area, it will be treated in the context of seven larger regions: the central Anatolian Plain (including Cappadocia, with occasional references to Cilicia), the southwest Anatolian Lake District (a mountainous region around the city of Burdur), the Aegean coast (extending north into the Troad), the area around the Sea of Marmara, the Porsuk region (around the city of Eski³ehir), the Black Sea coast (between the cities of Sinop and Trabzon), and north-central Anatolia within the bend of the Kyzyl Irmak River. The discussion identifies the main archaeological traditions and their chronological relationships. It also offers an overview of the chronological arguments and contentious issues. All dates are given in calibrated radiocarbon values.
Keywords: Chalcolithic sequence | Anatolian plateau | Anatolian Plain | Anatolian Lake District | Sea of Marmara | Black Sea coast | archaeology
Konstantinos Zachos, Attica and the Cyclades from the Chalcolithic to the Early Bronze Age. unknown (2013), preprint, 1–22.
Iveta Leitane, Emergence of Magic in Jewish Philosophy of Religion. In: Hanne Appelqvist & Dan-Johan Eklund (Hrsg.), The Origin of Religion, Perspectives from Philosophy, Theology, and Religious Studies. Schriften der Luther-Agricola-Gesellschaft 71 (Helsinki 2017), 110–128.
If we look back at the topic of evolutionism and its reemergence mentioned at the beginning of this paper, we may conclude that the Maimonidean strategy with its attempt to integrate some elements of magic into the agenda of the overcoming of magic can be considered as a good alternative to the naturalization of magic on the basis of the phenomenology of religion. It seems that magic for Maimonides may be an “outdated science”, preliminary (purgative) healing (alluding to repentance) and a tolerable starting point – through purification rites – in both religious attitude and philosophical mysticism.
Normunds Titans, Theology after Bio-Cultural (Socio-Biological) Explanations of Religion, The Case of LeRon Shults. In: Hanne Appelqvist & Dan-Johan Eklund (Hrsg.), The Origin of Religion, Perspectives from Philosophy, Theology, and Religious Studies. Schriften der Luther-Agricola-Gesellschaft 71 (Helsinki 2017), 163–182.
Be that as it may, to sum up, Shults would perhaps be better off as an atheist either by dropping theology altogether, keeping silent at least in the area of theology, and joining the team of Boyer, Dennett, Atran, Guthrie and the likes, holding on to bio-cultural study of religion only and not to make “theology” out of it, or, in case of retaining theology, by following Phelps’s suggestion to use theological materials for construction of subversive thought. The path has already been trodden by many. Deleuze did so — as Shults has shown in his excellent book on Deleuze’s “theology” — and not only Deleuze, but also a host of others: Bataille, Derrida, Nancy, etc., not in defiance of but prompted by their professed atheism.
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