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Nadav Klein & Ed O’Brien, People use less information than they think to make up their minds. PNAS 115 (2018), 13222–13227.
A world where information is abundant promises unprecedented opportunities for information exchange. Seven studies suggest these opportunities work better in theory than in practice: People fail to anticipate how quickly minds change, believing that they and others will evaluate more evidence before making up their minds than they and others actually do. From evaluating peers, marriage prospects, and political candidates to evaluating novel foods, goods, and services, people consume far less information than expected before deeming things good or bad. Accordingly, people acquire and share too much information in impression-formation contexts: People overvalue long-term trials, overpay for decision aids, and overwork to impress others, neglecting the speed at which conclusions will form. In today’s information age, people may intuitively believe that exchanging ever-more information will foster betterinformed opinions and perspectives—but much of this information may be lost on minds long made up.
Keywords: tipping point | change | self-insight | judgment | information processing
Significance: People readily categorize things as good or bad, a welcome adaptation that enables action and reduces information overload. The present research reveals an unforeseen consequence: People do not fully appreciate this immediacy of judgment, instead assuming that they and others will consider more information before forming conclusions than they and others actually do. This discrepancy in perceived versus actual information use reveals a general psychological bias that bears particular relevance in today’s information age. Presumably, one hopes that easy access to abundant information fosters uniformly moreinformed opinions and perspectives. The present research suggests mere access is not enough: Even after paying costs to acquire and share ever-more information, people then stop short and do not incorporate it into their judgments.
Ricardo I. F. Trindade et al., Speleothem record of geomagnetic South Atlantic Anomaly recurrence. PNAS 115 (2018), 13198–13203.
Ricardo I. F. Trindade, Plinio Jaqueto, Filipe Terra-Nova, Daniele Brandt, Gelvam A. Hartmann, Joshua M. Feinberg, Becky E. Strauss, Valdir F. Novello, Francisco W. Cruz, Ivo Karmann, Hai Cheng & R. Lawrence Edwards
The diminishing strength of the Earth’s magnetic dipole over recent millennia is accompanied by the increasing prominence of the geomagnetic South Atlantic Anomaly (SAA), which spreads over the South Atlantic Ocean and South America. The longevity of this feature at millennial timescales is elusive because of the scarcity of continuous geomagnetic data for the region. Here, we report a unique geomagnetic record for the last 1500 y that combines the data of two welldated stalagmites from Pau d’Alho cave, located close to the presentday minimum of the anomaly in central South America. Magnetic directions and relative paleointensity data for both stalagmites are generally consistent and agree with historical data from the last 500 y. Before 1500 CE, the data adhere to the geomagnetic model ARCH3K.1, which is derived solely from archeomagnetic data. Our observations indicate rapid directional variations (>0.1°/y) from approximately 860 to 960 CE and approximately 1450 to 1750 CE. A similar pattern of rapid directional variation observed from South Africa precedes the South American record by 224 ¡À 50 y. These results confirm that fast geomagnetic field variations linked to the SAA are a recurrent feature in the region. We develop synthetic models of reversed magnetic flux patches at the core–mantle boundary and calculate their expression at the Earth’s surface. The models that qualitatively resemble the observational data involve westward (and southward) migration of midlatitude patches, combined with their expansion and intensification.
Keywords: archeomagnetism | South Atlantic Anomaly | speleothem | geomagnetism | paleomagnetism
Significance: Experimental and modeling evidence demonstrate the recurrence of the South Atlantic Anomaly. The areal growth of this geomagnetic anomaly accompanies the fast decay of the Earth’s magnetic field, but its origin and longevity are still poorly understood given the scarcity of geomagnetic data in the Southern Hemisphere. We report a 1500-y record with unprecedented resolution obtained close to the present-day minimum of the anomaly in South America from continuously grown cave speleothems. This unique record reveals rapid variations in direction and intensity of the local field as a function of the location and magnitude of the anomaly. Synthetic secular variation models show this feature may result from westward migration, expansion, and intensification of reversed flux patches on the core– mantle boundary.
Tina Lüdecke, Ottmar Kullmer, Ulrike Wacker, Oliver Sandrock, Jens Fiebig, Friedemann Schrenk & Andreas Mulch, Dietary versatility of Early Pleistocene hominins. PNAS 115 (2018), 13330–13335.
New geochemical data from the Malawi Rift (Chiwondo Beds, Karonga Basin) fill a major spatial gap in our knowledge of hominin adaptations on a continental scale. Oxygen (d18O), carbon (d13C), and clumped (D47) isotope data on paleosols, hominins, and selected fauna elucidate an unexpected diversity in the Pleistocene hominin diet in the various habitats of the East African Rift System (EARS). Food sources of early Homo and Paranthropus thriving in relatively cool and wet wooded savanna ecosystems along the western shore of paleolake Malawi contained a large fraction of C3 plant material. Complementary water consumption reconstructions suggest that ca. 2.4 Ma, early Homo (Homo rudolfensis) and Paranthropus (Paranthropus boisei) remained rather stationary near freshwater sources along the lake margins. Time-equivalent Paranthropus aethiopicus from the Eastern Rift further north in the EARS consumed a higher fraction of C4 resources, an adaptation that grew more pronounced with increasing openness of the savanna setting after 2 Ma, while Homo maintained a high versatility. However, southern African Paranthropus robustus had, similar to the Malawi Rift individuals, C3-dominated feeding strategies throughout the Early Pleistocene. Collectively, the stable isotope and faunal data presented here document that early Homo and Paranthropus were dietary opportunists and able to cope with a wide range of paleohabitats, which clearly demonstrates their high behavioral flexibility in the African Early Pleistocene.
Keywords: hominin adaptation | paleoecology | paleodiet | clumped isotopes | Malawi Rift
Significance: Clumped and stable isotope data of paleosol carbonate and fossil tooth enamel inform about paleoenvironments of Early Pleistocene hominins. Data on woodland- vs. grassland-dominated ecosystems, soil temperatures, aridity, and the diet of Homo rudolfensis and Paranthropus boisei ca. 2.4 Ma show that they were adapted to C3 resources in wooded savanna environments in relatively cool and wet climates in the Malawi Rift. In contrast, time-equivalent Paranthropus living in open and drier settings in the northern East African Rift relied on C4 plants, a trend that became enhanced after 2 Ma, while southern African Paranthropus persistently relied mainly on C3 resources. In its early evolutionary history, Homo already showed a high versatility, suggesting that Pleistocene Homo and Paranthropus were already dietary generalists.
Meng Lin et al., Rapid evolution of a skin-lightening allele in southern African KhoeSan. PNAS 115 (2018), 13324–13329.
Meng Lin, Rebecca L. Siford, Alicia R. Martin, Shigeki Nakagome, Marlo Möller, Eileen G. Hoal, Carlos D. Bustamante, Christopher R. Gignoux & Brenna M. Henn
Skin pigmentation is under strong directional selection in northern European and Asian populations. The indigenous KhoeSan populations of far southern Africa have lighter skin than other sub-Saharan African populations, potentially reflecting local adaptation to a region of Africa with reduced UV radiation. Here, we demonstrate that a canonical Eurasian skin pigmentation gene, SLC24A5, was introduced to southern Africa via recent migration and experienced strong adaptive evolution in the KhoeSan. To reconstruct the evolution of skin pigmentation,we collected phenotypes from over 400 Khomani San and Nama individuals and high-throughput sequenced candidate pigmentation genes. The derived causal allele in SLC24A5, p.Ala111Thr, significantly lightens basal skin pigmentation in the KhoeSan and explains 8 to 15 % of phenotypic variance in these populations. The frequency of this allele (33 to 53 %) is far greater than expected from colonial period European gene flow; however, the most common derived haplotype is identical among European, eastern African, and KhoeSan individuals. Using four-population demographic simulations with selection, we show that the allele was introduced into the KhoeSan only 2,000 y ago via a back-to-Africa migration and then experienced a selective sweep (s = 0.04 to 0.05 in Khomani and Nama). The SLC24A5 locus is both a rare example of intense, ongoing adaptation in very recent human history, as well as an adaptive gene flow at a pigmentation locus in humans.
Keywords: pigmentation | adaptation | SLC24A5 | KhoeSan | Africa
Significance: Skin pigmentation reflects strong local adaptation to latitude after humans migrated around the globe. In the Northern Hemisphere, the gene SLC24A5 plays a key role in the genetic basis of light skin pigmentation, where a nonsynonymous mutation in the gene has swept to fixation in contemporary Europeans. Although considered European-specific, we find this mutation at an unexpectedly high frequency in light-skinned KhoeSan from South Africa, far exceeding the European gene flow during colonial migration. Using haplotype analysis and comprehensive demographic modeling including positive selection, we show that this is an example of surprisingly strong adaptation of a recently introduced allele, via back-to-Africa migration, which occurred less than 2,000 y ago.
Igor Kreimerman, Skeletons in Bronze and Iron Age destruction contexts in the southern Levant, What do they mean? West & East 2 (2017), 13–30.
The current study examines skeletons found in Bronze and Iron Age destruction contexts from the southern Levant, within the framework of behavioural archaeology and the archaeology of destruction. It addresses the rarity of skeletons in such contexts, and argues that it is due to two main reasons: 1) genuine siege warfare was rather rare, and most cities capitulated without a battle, and therefore suffered no casualties; 2) after any destruction cities were thoroughly ‘cleaned’, mostly for hygienic reasons. A review of the find contexts of skeletons shows that their presence in surviving destruction layers occurs either because the skeletons could not be found soon after death, or their recovery was too difficult at the time. They may also have remained in these layers because the sites were abandoned, and thus hygiene did not play a major role. Yet, in some cases, it seems that skeletons were left in destruction layers intentionally, as a sort of punishment. Finally, it is suggested that the presence of skeletons in destruction contexts with no accompanying weapons, should not be seen as evidence for an earthquake as the cause of the destruction.
Keywords: Skeleton | destruction | warfare | earthquake | Bronze Age | Iron Age | Levant
Diana Edelman, Hezekiah’s Alleged Cultic Centralization. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 32 (2008), iv, 395–434.
The recent article in this journal by I. Finkelstein and N. Silberman (JSOT 30 : 259–85), in which the authors attempted to establish the historicity of Hezekiah’s religious centralization by linking it with archaeological evidence for the closing of shrines at Arad, Beersheba, and Lachish, Highlights the need for historians to reconsider this issue. Finkelstein and Silberman’s article lacks the mandatory critical evaluation of the biblical text and inappropriately dates selected archaeological evidence to the reign of a specific king. A re-examination of the highly charged issue of cult centralization in the late eighth century BCE is overdue, and this study offers some needed corrections to the analysis of Finkelstein and Silberman and proposes what is considered to be a more cogent understanding of the reality underlying the biblical claim of a cultic centralization undertaken by Hezekiah. This study does not deal with the separate issue of Hezekiah’s alleged cultic reform.
Keywords: Ahaz | Arad | Asuhili | Beersheba | cultic centralization | Hezekiah | Lachish | Sennacherib | 2 Kings 18–19 | 2 Chronicles 29–31.
Norma Franklin, Relative and Absolute Chronology of Gallery 629 and the Megiddo Water System, A Reassessment. In: Israel Finkelstein, David Ussishkin & Baruch Halpern (Hrsg.), Megiddo III, The 1992–1996 Seasons. Monograph series, Tel Aviv, Nadler Institute of Archaeology 18 (Tel Aviv 2000), 515–523.
There is no evidence to indicate that Phase 1 of the complex water system at Megiddo was constructed during the Iron Age (with Yadin) or the Late Bronze Age (with Lamon). The techniques utilized in hewing rock-cut tunnels were well established as far back as the Early Bronze Age (Khirbet ez-Zeraqun) and the early Middle Bronze Age (Hazor), and at least one water system has been conclusively dated to the Middle Bronze Age (Tel Gerisa). These examples raise the possibility that Phase 1 of the Megiddo water system was also constructed in the Bronze Age. The rock-cut steps and tunnel of Phase 1 could have functioned as a postern, i.e., a routine exit, common since the Early Bronze Age.
Gallery 629 was a built-up postern, constructed together with City Wall 325 during Stratum IVA. It was an integral element of Phase 2 of the complex water system. During Phase 2 Gallery 629 was needed to protect Megiddo’s water source, for the water was brought by aqueduct to the base of the shaft, which functioned as a well.
It is clear that a postern could also function as a water gate (Khirbet ez-Zeraqun), be incorporated into the water system (Gibeon, BePameh and Phase 1 at Megiddo) or be built adjacent to it (Gibeon and Phase 2 at Megiddo).
Eventually, the built-up postern, Gallery 629, was blocked, and it was at this stage, Phase 3, dating to either the final days of Stratum IVA or the time of Stratum III, that the tunnel once again furnished pedestrian access to the water source and possibly served as a renewed postem.
Norma Franklin, Entering the Arena, The Megiddo Stables Reconsidered. In: Oded Lipschits, Yuval Gadot & Matthew J. Adams (Hrsg.), Rethinking Israel, Studies in the History and Archaeology of Ancient Israel in Honor of Israel Finkelstein. (Winona Lake 2017), 87–101.
Much has been written about the stables of Megiddo Stratum IV since a series of tripartite buildings were discovered in 1928 during excavations conducted by The Oriental Institute under the direction of P. L. O. Guy. The buildings continued to be identified as Solomon’s Stables until the early 1970s, when Yadin conducted a number of small-scale excavations on behalf of The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and dated them down to the 9th century BCE; consequently, they became known as Ahab’s Stables (Yadin 1970; 1976). The Megiddo Expedition of Tel Aviv University launched a large-scale excavation of the site in 1992, and excavations in the area of the northern stables (Area L) were resumed in 1998. The Tel Aviv University excavations resulted in the stables being dated later—yet again—to the 8th century BCE and cautiously attributed to Jeroboam II (Cantrell and Finkelstein 2006: 644–45; Finkelstein 1999: 63–66).
The stable-city in Stratum IV of Megiddo was an incredible military and commercial enterprise. Constructed by Jeroboam II with the tacit agreement and logistical support of the Assyrians under Adad-nirari III, this giant training and trade center was designed to deal with hundreds of horses at any one time, training and selling them—not just as a chariot team of two or three horses but as a complete chariot squadron of 20 or 50 chariots. These horses from the same stable would therefore be at ease with one another and trained to fight together, ready to be incorporated into the great chariot divisions of the Israelite and Assyrian armies.
As mentioned above, this was the raison d’être for the construction of Megiddo Stratum IV, but how long did this horse training and trading center continue? That is another question.
Jan Joosten, The Operation of a Syntactic Rule in Classical Biblical Hebrew and in Hebrew Inscriptions of the Monarchic Period. In: James K. Aitken, Katherine J. Dell & Brian A. Mastin (Hrsg.), On Stone and Scroll, Essays in Honour of Graham Ivor Davies. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 420 (Berlin 2011), 493–505.
A small but appreciable set of inscriptions illustrates the use of Hebrew in the late monarchic period. And the Qumran texts show how literary Hebrew evolved in the Hellenistic period. The undeniable fact that CBH stands relatively close to the Hebrew of the inscriptions, and LBH to Qumran Hebrew, confirms the validity of the diachronic approach. Unfortunately, between the latest Judean inscriptions and the earliest Qumran scrolls there is a gap of more than 400 years. From the beginning of the Babylonian exile to the founding of the Qumran sect, hardly any epigraphic Hebrew remains. This gap in the attestation of Hebrew makes it impossible to know for certain until when the type of language found in the inscriptions remained in use. Nor is it possible to tell when the type of Hebrew attested in the Qumran scrolls first emerged. The transition from CBH to LBH took place at some point during these 400 years or so. Linguistic evidence does not allow one to map the history of the Hebrew language with precision.
The connection between CBH and inscriptional Hebrew is sufficiently strong, however, to caution against the recent tendency to date ever more biblical texts after the Babylonian exile. Some scholars even envisage a Hellenistic date for certain parts of the Pentateuch or the older historical books. Although it impossible to disprove that skilled Judean scribes continued to write CBH during the exile and into the early Persian period, the more reasonable inference from the linguistic facts is that the CBH corpus is roughly contemporary with the inscriptions.
Elizabeth B. Wiggins et al., Smoke radiocarbon measurements from Indonesian fires provide evidence for burning of millennia-aged peat. PNAS 115 (2018), 12419–12424.
Elizabeth B. Wiggins, Claudia I. Czimczik, Guaciara M. Santos, Yang Chen, Xiaomei Xu, Sandra R. Holden, James T. Randerson, Charles F. Harvey, Fuu Ming Kai & Liya E. Yu
In response to a strong El Nino, fires in Indonesia during September and October 2015 released a large amount of carbon dioxide and created a massive regional smoke cloud that severely degraded air quality in many urban centers across Southeast Asia. Although several lines of evidence indicate that peat burning was a dominant contributor to emissions in the region, El Nino-induced drought is also known to increase deforestation fires and agricultural waste burning in plantations. As a result, uncertainties remain with respect to partitioning emissions among different ecosystem and fire types. Here we measured the radiocarbon content (14C) of carbonaceous aerosol samples collected in Singapore from September 2014 through October 2015, with the aim of identifying the age and origin of fire-emitted fine particulate matter (particulate matter with an aerodynamic diameter less than or equal to 2.5 um). The D14C of fire-emitted aerosol was 76 ± 51 ‰, corresponding to a carbon pool of combusted organic matter with a mean turnover time of 800 ± 420 y. Our observations indicated that smoke plumes reaching Singapore originated primarily from peat burning ( 85 %), and not from deforestation fires or waste burning. Atmospheric transport modeling confirmed that fires in Sumatra and Borneo were dominant contributors to elevated PM2.5 in Singapore during the fire season. The mean age of the carbonaceous aerosol, which predates the Industrial Revolution, Highlights the importance of improving peatland fire management during future El Nino events for meeting climate mitigation and air quality commitments.
Keywords: tropical peatlands | global carbon cycle | human health | isotope | land cover change
Significance: We report radiocarbon (14C) measurements of carbonaceous aerosol originating from fires on the islands of Sumatra and Borneo. These data provide information about what types of ecosystems burned and are critical for linking the human health effects of fires to the anthropogenic build-up of atmospheric CO2. Our measurements confirm that peat emissions were the dominant source of aerosols in Singapore during the 2015 El Niño and provide a means for monitoring the success of policies designed to protect peatland areas during future drought events.
K. D. Burke, J. W. Williams, M. A. Chandler, A. M. Haywood, D. J. Lunt & B. L. Otto-Bliesner, Pliocene and Eocene provide best analogs for near-future climates. PNAS 115 (2018), 13288–13293.
As the world warms due to rising greenhouse gas concentrations, the Earth systemmoves toward climate stateswithout societal precedent, challenging adaptation. Past Earth system states offer possible model systems for the warming world of the coming decades. These include the climate states of the Early Eocene (ca. 50 Ma), the Mid-Pliocene (3.3–3.0 Ma), the Last Interglacial (129–116 ka), the Mid-Holocene (6 ka), preindustrial (ca. 1850 CE), and the 20th century. Here, we quantitatively assess the similarity of future projected climate states to these six geohistorical benchmarks using simulations from the Hadley Centre Coupled Model Version 3 (HadCM3), the Goddard Institute for Space Studies Model E2-R (GISS), and the Community Climate System Model, Versions 3 and 4 (CCSM) Earth system models. Under the Representative Concentration Pathway 8.5 (RCP8.5) emission scenario, by 2030 CE, future climates most closely resemble Mid-Pliocene climates, and by 2150 CE, they most closely resemble Eocene climates. Under RCP4.5, climate stabilizes at Pliocene-like conditions by 2040 CE. Pliocene-like and Eocene-like climates emerge first in continental interiors and then expand outward. Geologically novel climates are uncommon in RCP4.5 (<1 %) but reach 8.7 % of the globe under RCP8.5, characterized by high temperatures and precipitation. Hence, RCP4.5 is roughly equivalent to stabilizing at Pliocene-like climates, while unmitigated emission trajectories, such as RCP8.5, are similar to reversing millions of years of long-term cooling on the scale of a few human generations. Both the emergence of geologically novel climates and the rapid reversion to Eocene-like climates may be outside the range of evolutionary adaptive capacity.
Keywords: climate change | climate analog | no analog | paleoclimate | planetary boundary
Significance: The expected departure of future climates from those experienced in human history challenges efforts to adapt. Possible analogs to climates from deep in Earth’s geological past have been suggested but not formally assessed. We compare climates of the coming decades with climates drawn from six geological and historical periods spanning the past 50 My. Our study suggests that climates like those of the Pliocene will prevail as soon as 2030 CE and persist under climate stabilization scenarios. Unmitigated scenarios of greenhouse gas emissions produce climates like those of the Eocene, which suggests that we are effectively rewinding the climate clock by approximately 50 My, reversing a multimillion year cooling trend in less than two centuries.
George A. Akerlof & Pascal Michaillat, Persistence of false paradigms in low-power sciences. PNAS 115 (2018), 13228–13233.
We develop a model describing how false paradigms may persist, hindering scientific progress. The model features two paradigms, one describing reality better than the other. Tenured scientists display homophily: They favor tenure candidates who adhere to their paradigm. As in statistics, power is the probability (absent any bias) of denying tenure to scientists adhering to the false paradigm. The model shows that because of homophily, when power is low, the false paradigm may prevail. Then, only an increase in power can ignite convergence to the true paradigm. Historical case studies suggest that low power comes either from lack of empirical evidence or from reluctance to base tenure decisions on available evidence.
Keywords: scientific progress | paradigms | tenure | homophily | power
Significance: It is believed that a lack of experimental evidence (typical in the social sciences) slows but does not prevent the adoption of true theories. We evaluate this belief using a model of scientific research and promotion in which tenured scientists are slightly biased toward tenure candidates with similar beliefs. We find that when a science lacks evidence to discriminate between theories, or when tenure decisions do not rely on available evidence, true theories may not be adopted. The nonadoption of heliocentric theory in the 16th century, the persistence of bloodletting in the 19th century, the nonadoption of underconsumption theory in the early 20th century, and the persistence of radical mastectomy in the 20th century illustrate such risk.
István Czachesz, Evolutionary theory on the move, New perspectives on evolution in the cognitive science of religion. Filosofia Unisinos – Unisinos Journal of Philosophy 19 (2018), 263–271.
This article discusses the use of evolutionary theory in the cognitive science of religion (CSR), with special attention to critical issues and new developments. In the first part of the article, I will discuss the definition of evolution and describe the Modern Synthesis (or neo-Darwinian theory). In the next part, I will consider various evolutionary perspectives in CSR, including evolutionary psychology, sexual selection, gene-culture co-evolution, and cultural evolution. In the final part, I will turn to the problems with the Modern Synthesis and present a new approach based on network theory, with potential applications to the study of biological and cultural systems.
Keywords: cognitive science of religion | evolution | modern synthesis | cultural evolution | gene regulatory networks | evo-devo | deep learning.
Aren M. Maeir, King David’s Stronghold at Khirbet Qeiyafa? Biblical Archaeology Review 45 (2019), i, 62–63.
In the Footsteps of King David: Revelations from an Ancient Biblical City. by Yosef Garfinkel, Saar Ganor, and Michael G. Hasel (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2018), 240 pp., 80 b/w images (incl. plans & maps), 26 color plates, $ 34.95 (hardcover)
While I highly commend the authors for writing such an engaging book, I believe that their black-and-white interpretations —and the implications they believe can be garnered from this—are often hard to accept.
To conclude, this book is an excellent read; it conveys the excitement and interest of a major archaeological project, the process of investigation and research, and an attempt to draw a broader historical, cultural, and archaeological picture. But readers should be aware that much of the interpretation is contested by other scholars.
Simone Paganini, Rezension zu: Wolfgang Zwickel. Studien zur Geschichte Israels. Biblische Buecherschau 2017 . <http://www.biblische-buecherschau.de/2017/Zwickel_Geschichte%20Israels.pdf>.
Wolfgang Zwickel. Studien zur Geschichte Israels. (SBAB-AT, 59) Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk 2015, 304 S., E 43,20 ISBN 978-3-460-06591-8
Manchmal besteht der Mehrwert eines Sammelbandes lediglich darin, dass Aufsätze eines Autors bequemer zu finden sind, wieder zugänglich gemacht werden und mit aktualisierten Literaturangaben neu erscheinen. Im vorliegenden Werk ist es nicht so. Die 12 Artikel, die darin enthalten sind, sind nicht nur Beweis des wissenschaftlichen Schaffens von Wolfgang Zwickel, sondern auch eines Paradigma-Wechsels innerhalb der historischen Forschung zur Geschichte Israels.
Auch wenn vor allem die älteren Aufsätze aufgrund von weiteren archäologischen Funden zum Teil manche Korrekturen bedürften, bleibt die methodische Grundtendenz der Arbeit von Zwickel nach wie vor grundlegend. Wie kaum ein anderer deutschsprachiger Bibelwissenschaftler versteht er, die Ergebnisse der – zum Teil – eigenen archäologischen Forschung für die Textinterpretation fruchtbar zu machen.
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