Literatur zu:
Archäologie in Qumran

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Callaway 2006

Phillip R. Callaway, Hartmut Stegemann (1933–2005). Biblical Archaeology Review 32 (2006), ii, 18–19.

In the early 1960s, he successfully reconstructed the Thanksgiving Hymns scroll (1QH), which, because of his loyalty to the official editors, he never published under his own name. For many years Professor Stegemann was known for his dissertation on the emergence of the Qumran community. For him, Qumran was not the headquarters and residence of the Essenes, but rather a publishing house for their literature.

Crawford 2020

Sidnie White Crawford, Were There Women at Qumran? Biblical Archaeology Review 46 (2020), ii, 48–53.

Were the Essenes a group that embraced celibacy as a way of life? Their own documents tell us that the answer is no. However, they did observe strict rules for sexual purity for both men and women, which may have led to lower rates of marriage than was common among ancient Jews. This tendency and the function of Qumran as an Essene scribal center jointly account for the almost entire absence of women at Qumran. I believe that this scenario can reconcile the evidence of the sectarian scrolls, the archaeological record at Qumran, and the testimony of Josephus, Philo, and Pliny.

Goranson 1993

Stephen Goranson, Qumran, The Evidence of the Inkwells. Biblical Archaeology Review 19 (1993), vi, 67.

Whether four or five, the number of inkwells from a site like this is extraordinary. None has been found, for example, at Sepphoris, a major Galilean site, extensively excavated, where the Mishnah was completed.

Haas 1968

N. Haas & H. Nathan, Anthropological survey on the human skeletal remains from Qumran. Revue de Qumrân 6 (1968), 337–352.

Hempel 2018

Charlotte Hempel, Where Are the Scribes in the Dead Sea Scrolls? Biblical Archaeology Review 44 (2018), iv, 52+70.

Those who transmitted the extensive literature unearthed at Qumran may not have drawn attention to their scribal efforts. However, by composing and copying their own literature to the same standards as works of the past—and by modeling on David leading figures like the Maskil—they send subtle yet powerful signals of their own place, and that of the movement to which they belonged, in the long line of worthies of the past.

Perrin 2018

Andrew B. Perrin, The Lost World of the Aramaic Dead Sea Scrolls. Biblical Archaeology Review 44 (2018), v, 42–48.

From these and similar observations, the material of canonical collections appears to be but soundbites of a larger conversation had among ancient Jewish scribes and communities around the figure of Daniel. As we look beyond the Aramaic text of canonical Daniel and through the Qumran Aramaic corpus as a whole, we should conclude where we began: Where did the Aramaic texts come from? Who wrote them? Why were they written in the first place?

Rasmussen 2012

Kaare Lund Rasmussen et al., The constituents of the ink from a Qumran inkwell: new prospects for provenancing the ink on the Dead Sea Scrolls. Journal of Archaeological Science 39 (2012), 2956–2968.

JArchSci39-2956-Supplement.kmz, JArchSci39-2956-Comment1.pdf, JArchSci39-2956-Reply1.pdf

Kaare Lund Rasmussen, Anna Lluveras Tenorio, Ilaria Bonaduce, Maria Perla Colombini, Leila Birolo, Eugenio Galano, Angela Amoresano, Greg Doudna, Andrew D. Bond, Vincenzo Palleschi, Giulia Lorenzetti, Stefano Legnaioli, Johannes van der Plicht & Jan Gunneweg

A unique sample of ink from an inkwell in the Schøyen Collection allegedly found at Qumran has been subjected to analyses by several analytical techniques: GCeMS, proteomic analysis, PXRD, Raman, (ATR) FT-IR, LIBS, ICP-MS and MS. The results reveal to an unexpected level of detail how the ink was manufactured, which gives insight into the industrial processes and craftsmanship that were practiced at the Qumran settlement during the Second Temple period (100 BCE–CE 70). The identified minerals and other organic and inorganic materials are sufficiently multiple and diverse that it is probable that this specific ink can be recognized if analyses of inks are performed on manuscripts from Qumran and other locations in Israel and the Middle East. The present work exposes a distinct and unique possibility to shed light on early Jewish manuscript controversies, including their provenance.

Keywords: Ink | Qumran | GCeMS | Raman | FT-IR | PXRD | LIBS | ICP-MS | Proteomic analyses | Radiocarbon dating

Sauter 2022

Megan Sauter (Hrsg.), The Dead Sea Scrolls, Past, Present, and Future. BAR Special Supplement (Washington 2022).

Sinclair 2008

Lawrence A. Sinclair, Climate at Qumran During the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. Revue de Qumrân 23 (2008), 415–427.

This article describes the evidence for a wet-cool climate at Qumran during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. It is clear that the Qumran Community did not experience desert or semi-desert conditions.

In light of the above discussion of scientific data and collaborative evidence, it is clear that there was significant climate change in Palestine between 300-200 BCE and 100 CE, Hellenistic and Roman Periods or the Late Second Temple Period. This climate change was an increase in the average annual precipitation leading to wet and cool conditions in the land. Areas in southern Palestine which were desert or semi-desert, such as Qumran, received more rain and enough to grow crops. The assumption that there was no climate change in Palestine since the last glacier, or the last two millennia, or for the last two centuries has now been put to rest. Therefore, any reconstruction of the social and cultural conditions of ancient Israel during the Hellenistic and Roman Periods needs to take into account the climate.

Steckoll 1968

S. H. Steckoll, Preliminary excavation report in the Qumran cemetery. Revue de Qumrân 6 (1968), 323–336.

Stegemann 1993

Hartmut Stegemann, Die Essener, Qumran, Johannes der Täufer und Jesus. (Freiburg 61997).

Taylor 2011

Joan E. Taylor, Buried Manuscripts and Empty Tombs, The Qumran Genizah Theory Revisited. In: Aren Maeir, Jodi Magness & Lawrence Schiffman (Hrsg.), ‘Go out and study the Land’ (Judg 18:2), Archaeological, Historical and Textual Studies in Honor of Hanan Eshel Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism 148 (Leiden 2011), 269–316.

This paper explores theories about why the Dead Sea Scrolls were hidden, and in particular reviews the ‘genizah’ hypothesis. The suggestion is made that the Scrolls were in fact buried in order to preserve them for a long time, after they were no longer used. They were not quickly secreted away from the small site of Qumran, but were brought to this location for preservation-burial.

Tov 2014

Emanuel Tov, Searching for the “Original” Bible. Biblical Archaeology Review 40 (2014), iv, 48–53, 68.

More than 200 Biblical texts written in Hebrew were discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls. How do these ancient Biblical texts compare with the Masoretic Text and the Greek Septuagint in scholars’ search for the most authoritative text of the Hebrew Bible?

de Vaux 1959

Roland de Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Schweich Lectures (London 21973).

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